Hamed Hosseini's Podcasts Series: Recent Episodes
Dr S A Hamed Hosseini
This episode critically examines the historical application of the term “Iran” to ancient civilizations and argues for its abandonment in favor of more accurate historical terminology.
In a recent and startling development, encapsulated by the headline “BREAKING NEWS: MASS RESIGNATION OF THEORY & SOCIETY’S EDITORIAL BOARD,” the entire editorial board of the journal ‘Theory & Society’ (originally established by Alvin Gouldner1) has collectively resigned. This unprecedented move brings to the fore the deep-seated issues plaguing the academic publishing industry. The resignation…
Listen to the second part of the sixth chapter of the book in this episode
Chapter 6 Recharting the debates on labor theory of value in light of smart machines, affect, and climate change
Abstract
This chapter delves into the ongoing debates surrounding the relevance of the Marxian Labor Theory of Value (LTV) in the context of emerging challenges posed by smart machines, the crisis of care and social reproduction, and global ecological crises. Divided into three sections, the chapter explores the implications of these challenges for the LTV and engages with the discourse around each one. The LTV has been scrutinized by critical theorists on two fronts: the changing nature of capital post-Marx and its failure to recognize value sources beyond wage labor. Critics either advocate abandoning or restricting the theory due to perceived fallacies or narrowness, while revisionists propose reinterpretations that make it applicable to all true sources of value and new features of capital. While the chapter does not extensively explore these debates, it offers an overview of the major lines of dispute. It also sheds light on the implications of adopting the commonist perspective on value to navigate the confusions that underpin the major disputes. By incorporating the commonist approach, the chapter suggests a path forward that transcends the binary of rejection and revision.
Listen to the second part of the fifth chapter of the book in this episode
Chapter 5 Toward a commonist (labor) theory of value
Abstract
This chapter reconstructs the Marxian labor theory of value (LTV) usingthe commonist approach to value developed in the previous chapters. Itredefines labor as a decommonized form of (more than) human creative powerunder capital. It explores the decommonization of human creative power through primary and secondary abstractions. ‘Primary abstraction’ occurs outside capitalist production relations and generates labor and labor power, while ‘secondary abstraction’ takes place within the inner organization of capital, as theorized by Marx, and produces abstract labor and capitalist value. By distinguishing between these two types of abstractions, we can avoid productivism in our interpretation and reconstruction of Marxian value theory and post-capitalist alternatives. This differentiation helps resolve disagreements regarding the suitability of LTV in the so-called late capitalism. By understanding the role of commoning sources of creativity and the implications of primary and secondary abstractions, we can develop a more nuanced understanding of the socio-ecological and political roles of labor and the potentialities of its liberation.
Listen to the first part of the fifth chapter of the book in this episode
Chapter 5 Toward a commonist (labor) theory of value Abstract
This chapter reconstructs the Marxian labor theory of value (LTV) usingthe commonist approach to value developed in the previous chapters. Itredefines labor as a decommonized form of (more than) human creative powerunder capital. It explores the decommonization of human creative power through primary and secondary abstractions. ‘Primary abstraction’ occurs outside capitalist production relations and generates labor and labor power, while ‘secondary abstraction’ takes place within the inner organization of capital, as theorized by Marx, and produces abstract labor and capitalist value. By distinguishing between these two types of abstractions, we can avoid productivism in our interpretation and reconstruction of Marxian value theory and post-capitalist alternatives. This differentiation helps resolve disagreements regarding the suitability of LTV in the so-called late capitalism. By understanding the role of commoning sources of creativity and the implications of primary and secondary abstractions, we can develop a more nuanced understanding of the socio-ecological and political roles of labor and the potentialities of its liberation.
Open Access to the book: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003340386
Listen to the fourth chapter of the book in this episode
Chapter 4 The modular architecture of capital
Abstract
This chapter introduces a modular framework that draws on the intersections between the Marxian theory of capital, critical realism, and the Aristotelian fourfold causation theory. The framework provides an inclusive approach that incorporates elements from these three theories, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of capital and its dynamics. It examines the concept of capital as ‘fetish value’ and its destructive operations, highlighting its erasure of ‘true value’ and the undermining of life’s self-sustenance. Capital is redefined as both “the product and the infra-process of perverting the fundamental causes of true value into the causes of fetish value. As the product, it is the corporeal manifestation of fetish value, and as the infra-process, it is essentially the abstraction and appropriation of fundamental commons.” The chapter redefines key Marxian concepts such as abstraction, reification, fetishization, and appropriation to illustrate the nature and architecture of capital. It delves into the infra-processes of de/commonization, which highlight how capital emerges and sustains itself through civilizing mechanisms, while also examining how counter-capital movements that aim to restore and reinvent true value can be incorporated into our theory of value.
Listen to the third chapter of the book in this episode
Chapter 3 Toward a modular conception of capital: A metatheoreticaldiscussion
This chapter establishes the metatheoretical foundations for thedevelopment of a novel model called the ‘commonist modular approach’ totheorizing capital. It emphasizes that capital is not only characterized byongoing processes but also operates through modular structures, engaging indiverse interactive socio-ecological mechanism. The focus is on examining theconnections between Marx's causal explanation, critical realism, theAristotelian doctrine of causality, and normative social theory. The chapteradopts a pragmatic approach, piecing together compatible and complementaryelements from these philosophical traditions. Marx’s approach provides guidancefor analyzing capitalist dynamics, while critical realism offers insights intounderstanding causality. The Aristotelian doctrine expands the concept of valuesources beyond labor, recognizing their multiplicity. By examining theintersections between these traditions, the chapter lays the foundation for anontologically coherent framework for theorizing value. By integrating diverseperspectives, this approach allows for a deeper understanding of the intricatedynamics of capitalism, offering new pathways for transformative scholarshipwithin the realm of value theory.
Listen to the second part of the long article, The Well-living Paradigm by S A Hamed Hosseini
Listen to the first part of the long article, The well-living paradigm: reimagining quality of life in our turbulent worldBy S A Haamed HosseiniThis article introduces the concept of ‘well-living’ as a transformative framework for reimagining quality of life in the face of current global socio-ecological challenges. Through a reflexive theoretical meta-analysis, it critically examines mainstream and reformist well-being discourses while drawing inspiration from transformative perspectives found in recent post-capitalist and indigenous movements. ‘Well-living’ is portrayed as both a civilizational endeavor and a multifaceted imperative, encompassing dimensions of creativity, liveability, conviviality, and alterity across various scales from individual to international contexts. Central to the ‘well-living’ paradigm are nine key qualities, including harmonious coexistence, aspirational foresight and purposefulness, solidarity, autonomy, authenticity, and integrity, thereby promoting an integrated approach to living in balance with oneself, others, and the natural world. Embracing ‘well-living’ as a goal and process can empower individuals and communities to challenge prevailing global capitalist paradigms, re-establish connections with the interconnected web of life, and strive for a more just, regenerative, and diverse world, accommodating multiple perspectives. Lastly, employing a 'commonist' perspective, the article outlines essential institutional and legislative-policy changes required to actualize the vision of 'well-living.'
Listen to the Epilogue chapter of the he boon in this final episode
Epilogue
This first edition of our short book remains a work in progress. It is an invitation to engage in a new and hopefully productive dialogue on how to address the challenges of understanding the intricate relationship between value and capital. We believe our proposed approach has also the potential to impact post-capitalist transformative theory and revolutionary praxis. We posit that ‘value’ must be re-examined and liberated from its subservient ties to capital. However, this must not come at the expense of disregarding how capital appropriates value. Under capitalism, value loses its inherent normativity, and Marxist critics have not provided a positive normative framework for capital as ‘value’ in motion. This conceptual ambiguity has led to confusion and division among critical theorists. ...
Listen to Chapter 1 IntroductionOn the Necessity of Liberating Value from CapitalAtthe heart of our intellectual journey in this book lies theprofound realization thatin order to redefine capital, we must first engage in atransformative discoursethat places (redefining) value at its very core.
Look at these Israeli soldiers enjoying themselves while destroying the meager property of a poor Palestinian shop owner, remnants of what bombs haven't already obliterated.I now find myself agreeing, ironically enough, with the US representative to the UN Security Council when he stated that "any ceasefire would be at best temporary." He said that to justify the shameful decision of his government to veto the council's unanimous vote for a permanent ceasefire. But I reiterate this for a different reason:This madness will only "cease" when Zionist settler colonialism and Israel's apartheid regime end. And what reason do we really have not to believe that these systems will not crumble unless the world imposes severe sanctions and embargoes on this genocidal, racist regime?But we also know that the large economies capable of such actions are aligned with the occupier, the colonizer, due to their own colonialist and imperialist nature both historically and in the present. Therefore, let's be honest: only a global, mass movement led by the people can create change.But this is not limited to the century-long humanitarian catastrophe reaching its bloodiest climax in Gaza and the West Bank.Look at the COP28 extravaganza going on these days, where the CEO of one of the largest fossil fuel companies has been appointed as the chair of the summit! He too has no hesitation in defending the status quo while only endorsing minimalist measures. This carnage of planetary biodiversity too has reached a climax of catastrophic status; and likewise, the perpetrators are placed in charge of looking after the victims. The US, taking a humanitarian gesture, warns Israel to be more careful on mass killings, and climate summit after summit demands that ecological criminals be softer in their destruction.It is no accident that there are such stark similarities between climate and carnage, between colonizers and "carbonizers."I am afraid we have reached such a pivotal point in human history where nothing short of mass action targeting the perpetrators will have any effect.Hasn't fossil-finance capitalism become the "Israel" of so-called "nature"? Hasn't the globalized capitalist system subjected all living beings (except capitalists) to a more than a century-long lethal siege as doomed as civilian life in Gaza?
In today’s intricate societal landscape, we find ourselves navigating between two distinct yet intertwined systems of power, reminiscent of the dystopian visions presented by George Orwell and Aldous Huxley. These two visions are often perceived as diametrically opposed to one another. This inherent contrast invariably raises a pertinent question: Which of these visions more closely encapsulates the realities of contemporary societies? This essay endeavors to explore and answer this critical question
We’re being asked to accept that a nation which boasts of having one of the most sophisticated intelligence apparatuses in the world somehow missed thousands of Hamas fighters preparing for an unprecedented incursion across Israel’s border. Dr S.A. Hamed Hosseini believes a critical examination of not just Israel’s past, but its present, opens up other potential explanations.
New Book: “CAPITAL Redefined” By S. A. Hamed Hosseini and Barry K. GillsFrom: Common alternatives website November 20, 2023Featured publicationHosseini, S A Hamed, and Barry K Gills (2024) Capital Redefined: A Commonist Value Theory for Liberating Life. London, Routledge. Open Access content is available for this title In an age defined by capitalist systems that dominate our socioeconomic structures, the need for innovative perspectives and transformative theories has never been more pressing. “Capital Redefined,” crafted by S. A. Hamed Hosseini and Barry K. Gills, launches a pioneering scholarly endeavor to reconceptualize ‘capital’ and its intertwined value theory at a time when the resurgence of the ‘C word’ signals a reawakening of longstanding disputes and the emergence of new theoretical discourses. Their book is not just an academic endeavor but a radical manifesto-making framework that challenges the established norms of value theory in the context of capitalism.This short essay explores the core themes and radical insights presented in the book.
It often feels like we’re stuck in a perpetual cycle of choosing the lesser of multiple evils during elections. However, once the “lesser evil” takes office, things tend to go awry, leading to the strengthening of the very “greater evil” we initially sought to avoid (even though both are inherently problematic). This vicious cycle is a fundamental contradiction within capitalist liberal democracy.The reason we continually find ourselves in this predicament is that communities lack direct participation in shaping their destinies. The power structure remains hierarchical, despite claims of representativeness. This notion of representation is a self-stabilizing mechanism employed by capital to create the illusion of agency among the people. We’re made to believe that our individual vote, one among millions, will significantly impact the results. Deep down, we know this isn’t entirely true, but it’s the limited space the system provides for our influence.There have been moments when the façade of this mirage has crumbled, leading to frustration expressed through civil disobedience, riots, violence, mass protests, and, occasionally, revolutions. However, in these instances, the more organized and radicalized minority forces, often funded by elements of the establishment and amplified by both far-right corporate media and mainstream outlets, seize control. They divert the momentum toward the establishment of a new order, typically consisting of an ostensibly anti-elite, yet authoritarian, elite.These newly empowered leaders quickly consolidate power, eliminating dissent within their own ranks (as seen in Hitler’s “Night of the Long Knives”) and creating an oppressive environment unparalleled in history. What’s intriguing is that their grassroots supporters, previously concerned about the lack of democracy under centrist governments, often contribute to this situation or are willing to surrender their freedoms. They do so because they’ve found charismatic leaders who promise protection against various perceived threats, from Bill Gates’ Frankenstein vaccine projects to global liberal child abusers to Chinese covid virus-makers, Muslim terrorists, black queens, and the “parasitic” Indigenous people on welfare, rapist immigrants and asylum seekers, anti-Christ groups, and more.It’s a complex and unsettling dynamic that warrants deep reflection on the nature of power, representation, and the cyclical nature of societal change.
The following excerpt from the Australian Department of Industry, Science, and Resources aptly encapsulates how the discourse surrounding women and science/technology is simplified within the context of ecomodernist liberal patriarchy: “Girls’ confidence in STEM subjects is generally lower than boys and falls as they get older.” [1] However, all across these seemingly gender-justice discourses, STEM fields are misleadingly portrayed constantly as value-free, non-ideological, gender-neutral entities, except when they are institutionalized and promoted to be mostly attractive to boys.Consequently, the focus must simply shift towards co-opting and assimilating women into these fields which are actually muscularized to the core under the technocratic mindset entwined with capitalism. This severely undermines the potential for an authentic, self-driven women’s struggle to emancipate modern science and technology from capital’s clutches, diverting them from their mission to serve their communities, their gender, and humanity on a global scale. The consequences of succumbing to these delusions are dire. By veiling the true intent of preserving patriarchal capitalism under the guise of gender equity and ecological preservation, we hinder genuine progress. This diversion not only obstructs the authentic empowerment of women but also perpetuates the dominance of capital over science and technology. As a result, the potential for transformative change that benefits communities and humanity at large remains stifled, leaving us trapped in a cycle of inequality and unsustainable practices."read the full text here (3 min read):or you may listen to the speechified text here: [https://lnkd.in/gHMReGki]
Australian Government Accord for Higher Education Reform: An Honest Response from a Passionate AcademicS A Hamed HosseiniDo national accords aimed at addressing public sector issues lead to substantive changes? I asked myself when I saw the Australian government (under Labor) unveiling their latest accord for higher education reform.In the context of higher education in Australia, as in many other countries, profound restructuring has occurred since the adoption of neoliberal policies in the 80s, resulting in the disempowerment of staff and students and the corporatization of its institutions. Ironically, many of these changes were championed by the same party (of center-left), raising skepticism about their intent to tackle these challenges. Historically, such accords from left and right conservative parties have failed to bring about structural shifts that defy the grip of capital, the bedrock of the economy, and the root cause of socio-ecological crises including the crisis of higher education and the rest of the public service sector.....
The recent ABC Foreign Correspondent feature brings to light a range of issues that extend beyond its immediate context. As we absorb the contents of this report, it’s clear that its implications aren’t limited to Germany alone. The concerns it highlights are part of a broader web of developments unfolding with startling rapidity. For a closer look at the perspectives presented, I invite you to watch the ABC Foreign Correspondent report here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JTTUp7RtcaUI’m uncertain whether voicing concerns on social media or creating programs on public broadcasting services about the resurgence of the far right, without providing a more profound explanation of why history could potentially repeat itself, would lead to substantial outcomes. The real root cause lies within the system (capitalism) itself
Amidst the confines of our limited perspective, where faith in the transformative power of voting falters, we must challenge our deservedness of the current political landscape. Can we envision an alternative? Can we dare to strive for the ‘impossible’ when the ‘possible’ wreaks havoc on our world?Liberal, representative, and parliamentary democracies have grown out of a history intertwined with colonialist capitalism, designed to bolster capital hegemony and serve as a state apparatus. However, this very system has now reached unprecedented levels of dysfunction, failing to address the mounting existential crises. It stands as a root cause for the global quagmire we find ourselves in.Operational with mass deception, plundering, and distraction, it thrives on shielding the ruling classes while obscuring the true origins of our socio-ecological and moral maladies. A replacement is imperative, one emerging from grassroots participatory democracy, shaped through genuine decision-making and planning processes.One potential alternative lies in a democratic confederation of communities, fortified by a larger legislative body entrusted with overseeing extra-local matters. This overarching council, formed through bottom-up elected delegation from smaller councils, holds the promise of transcending the power struggles that plague organized political factions. These factions often referred to as parties, promise transformative change while capitalizing on people’s vulnerabilities, fears, manufactured ignorance, and aspirations. It’s time to move beyond this illusion and toward a truly participatory and transformative political paradigm.
In the realm of higher education, unions exist as both contributors to challenges and potential solutions. The need for a grassroots movement becomes apparent to effectively reclaim not only the university but also the unions themselves.
Article by: S A Hamed Hosseini
Source: Hosseini, S. (2018). From well-being to well-living: Towards a post-capitalist understanding of quality of life. [Journal Article]. AQ – Australian Quarterly, 89(2), 35-39. Retrieved from https://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=472003185948185;res=IELAPA
Australians are told that they live in one of the top 10 richest countries in the world in terms of GDP per capita, and that they enjoy a level of ‘well-being’ or ‘quality-of-life’ higher than many other advanced societies. Australia is ranked second after Norway on the OECD Better Life Index (2017), a new index developed to measure nations’ wellbeing more inclusively than the older methods that focused on wealth or income. This index includes non-monetary aspects of social life such as employment, environment and education.
Although such shifts in our understanding of wellbeing must be welcomed, the concept of wellbeing hasn’t been liberated from its underlying hegemonic political agendas and has become even more complicated by an increasing public, state and corporate interest.
Read the rest of the article here: http://thecommonalts.com/from-wellbeing-to-well-living/
by S.A. Hamed Hosseini, University of Newcastle, Australia
COVID-19 has shown that radical transformations are not only possible but unavoidable to prevent greater implosions. Living through a slow- or de-growth status – where collective “well-living” is gaining primacy over hedonistic well-being – has awakened us to the implausibility of returning to the old normal. Now is the time to quarantine our minds from the fatal cognitive virus of the capitalistic myth of “There Is No Alternative.” Though painful, lockdowns provide moments of reflection on where we are, how we have reached here, and what we can do to unite our creative imaginations and political actions to shape the post-pandemic world.
read more here: https://globaldialogue.isa-sociology.org/on-the-urgency-of-reintegrating-with-the-radical/
or http://thecommonalts.com/on-the-urgency-of-reintegrating-with-the-radical/
**Eid ul Fitr Homily (13-May-21)
The speech by S A Hamed Hosseini discusses the meaning of "fitr" in Quran by drawing the indigenous meaning of the concept.**
Hosseini in this episode debunks the myth of capitalist democracy that "Economic Liberalization brings about Political Liberalization! He argues that in the 21st century where the liberal democracy is in demise as the result of losing its legitimacy and illiberal populism is on the rise, there are also great opportunities and motivations for realizing radical democracy as an alternative. This can be possible by liberating the politics from the influences of capitalist economy and extending democratic decision-making into the realms of politics, community and civil society, and socio-ecological systems (i.e. eco-centric democracy). Does the future of democracy depend on the future of capitalism? •Answer: Capitalism is inherently in contradiction to real democracy! Because it makes the politics subordinate to the economy, •“Democracy must be extended into the very heart of economic sphere”!
How ‘Critically Open-minded’ are we? An Australian Perspective, through the World Values Survey (2005-2012)
Dr S A Hamed Hosseini
Professor Lawrence J. Saha
Abstract
Background:
In terms of theoretical background, the notion of ‘open-mindedness’ has been widely discussed in philosophy, and educational, organizational, and social psychological studies (as an aspect of individuals’ personality influenced by their social environment). However, it has not been a popular concept in sociology and anthropology. Despite growing attention to the issue of ‘open-mindedness’ outside the realm of sociology and the popularity of many subjects of sociological investigation that are directly related to this issue, no efforts have been made to develop a uniquely sociological definition or a social theory of open-mindedness.
In terms of social context, Australian society is known for its strong and colorful admiration of multiculturalism. As a modern society historically formed by immigration, Australia has formally adopted multiculturalism as its core value in making cultural and immigration policies. Despite all these historical and political moves towards a more culturally inclusive reorganization of social relations, racism, and negative attitudes towards refugees and ethnic minorities, not only persist but also continue to challenge the social cohesion in this country. The Australian economy has also taken significant steps towards corporate globalization by adopting economic rationalization policies and involving in regional and inter-regional trade agreements. Economic globalization, the escalation of population movements into Australia in recent decades as well as the proliferation of new communication technologies are at least in theory, widely expected to enhance people’s cultural openness and cosmopolitanism. Despite all these advancements, a number of studies and polls have observed that many Australians convey mixed feelings and uncertain, if not fully apprehensive, views about non-Western cultures and their ability to adopt and accommodate Australian/Western values like a liberal democracy.
Social Movements for Global Alternatives: Livelihood, Collaboration, Transformation Thursday, 14 July 2016: 09:20 Location: Hörsaal II (Neues Institutsgebäude (NIG)) Oral Presentation S A Hamed Hosseini, The University of Newcastle, Australia Barry GILLS, University of Helsinki, Finland We live in a neoliberal era of multiple crises, social upheavals, and political flux. Yet the continuing confrontation between neoliberalism and its alternatives creates new possibilities for social and systemic transformation. Critical analysis of ideological divisions among today’s alternative projects/initiatives – via examining the historical, ideational, and practical roots of these differences – is important to understand past and present shortcomings and the continuing difficulties in creating coherent solutions. How do such projects construct alternative livelihood and social agency, beyond market-based individuation? To what extent do alternative initiatives engage collaboratively, and work across different approaches? The main objective of this paper is to examine how far the ‘alternatives to capital’ are being co-articulated, co-envisioned, and co-inspired, enabling cross-fertilizations, and integration. It proposes a comparative analytical framework to examine the co-evolution and contestations between a number of case studies that are influenced by four major alternative ideologies, i.e. ‘global Keynesianism’, ‘left inter-nationalism’, ‘solidarity economy’ and the ‘ecological commons’.
The Future of Capital and Its Alternatives in 21st Century: The Essentiality of Economic Democratization Seyed A. HOSSEINI FARADONBEH, The University of Newcastle, Australia and Barry GILLS, University of Helsinki, Finland Abstract Text: In the 21st century, “Capital” requires a more comprehensive and applicable definition than merely a social process where money makes more money through production relations. Capital, in its material manifestation, is a socially organized ‘process’, through which surplus-value is produced and controlled by ‘unsustainable’ and ‘un-sovereign’ ways of exploiting labour (both manual and intellectual), land (and other commons), nature (non-renewable sources of energy and the earth’s bio-capacity including the climate). It is, however, important to equally emphasize, and theorize how Capital can also immaterially but objectively colonize and depoliticize societal/communal solidarities (from the level of the household, to the level of world community). Thus, a critical analysis of Capital/ist relations requires the theorization of not only the exploitation of labour, land and nature but also the systemic colonization of communal solidarities as non-material Commons, through the de-democratization of collective production and reproduction relations. Austerity regimes, for instance, are not only about protecting the corporate interest, e.g. by dispossessing social welfare, but also about an antagonistic relation towards democratic self-management, collaborative determination, and self-sufficient uses of resources. The colonization of social solidarities by Capital creates a fertile breeding ground for the resurgence of ethno-populist responses. We will argue here that the profound democratization of economic relations can liberate the transformative movements from the immense gravity of Capital by overcoming the dilemma of surviving while transforming ubiquitous capitalist relations. Group: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions, and Social ChangeSession Selection: Future(s) of Democracy in the Post-Neoliberal Era: Problems, Protests, and Prospects Abstract ID: 95391- Presentation at ISA World Congress of Sociology, Toronto, 15-28 July 2018
What makes us more ‘Critically Open-minded’ in a Globalized World? An Australian Perspective
S A Hamed Hosseini (The University of Newcastle)
Lawrence J Saha (The Australian National University)
ISA 2016 Conference Presentation, Vienna, Austria
Abstract
This paper defines and examines a new concept of ‘Critical Open-mindedness’ within an Australian context as a social-attitudinal collective phenomenon. This is in contrast to the popular social-psychological notions of open-mindedness as a cognitive-personal attribute. Our main objective is to investigate the relationship between Cognitive Open-mindedness, and Critical Open-mindedness. It draws on the data from the World Values Surveys (2005 and 2012) in Australia to operationalize both types of open-mindedness as composite indicators, composed of several dimensions. It then examines, using path analysis, the relationships of the two indicators on a number of mediating ideational, structural, and behavioral determinants. Critical Open-mindedness is found to be more dependent on socio-economic factors than Cognitive Open-mindedness does. However, the former is significantly and positively determined by the latter, especially the Social Trust and Anti-authoritarian dimensions of it. Critical Open-mindedness is also significantly and positively associated with the individuals’ tendency towards the political left, a cosmopolitan sense of belonging, confidence in environmental organizations, higher levels of education (the most important structural factor), gender (being female), confidence in humanitarian organizations, interest in politics, experiencing discrimination, and independence at work. We discuss the implications and consequences of the lack of Critical Open-mindedness to our understanding of our behavior regarding a range of social issues, for example, the creation of “negative collective identities” and social divisions through intolerant behavior. In this context, we argue that the “social collective” acts as a determinant rather than the characteristics or quality of individuals. Finally, we consider potential policy measures for fostering a healthy critical open-mindedness in the context of an increasingly globalized multicultural environment.
Theorizing the Rise of Right-Wing Populism in the Post-Globalist Era: Toward an Integrative ApproachISA conference presentation, 2018, Toronto, Canada
Lawrence J. Saha, Australian National University
S A HamedHosseini, University of Newcastle
In this paper, we will present a critical review of the contemporary academic literature regarding the social nature and nurture of Rightwing Populism (RWP) as a macro-sociohistorical phenomenon. The main aim of this review is to address the existing theoretical shortcomings in sociological contributions to global studies, by highlighting the theoretical inconsistencies and gaps, in the literature, that distorts the potentials for constructing conceptual frameworks necessary to theorize the rise of new RWP in the new century. The review is structured around three main aspects of the phenomenon: (1) its social nature as a socio-historical phenomenon; (2) its social basis; and finally (3) the social mechanism and contextual factors that have given a global rise to RWP as a socio-political movement; a global network of movements that ironically defy globalism. Then we will discuss the possibility of developing a transformative sociological account with the capacity to be integrated with social psychological and psychological accounts. This paper will then be part of a series written by these authors that ultimately aims to facilitate the development of a macro-micro integrative framework for theorizing the subject.
From Well-being to Well-living: exploring the social meanings and determinants of living together
Presentation by S A Hamed Hosseini, 2016 Symposium of Health and Disability Research Network at UON.
In this paper, I will first briefly present the results of a quantitative analysis of data collected through the 2012 Australian version of the World Values Survey. Structural Equation Modelling (a rather sophisticated statistical method to explore interrelated variables/factors) is used to explore the social determinants of one of the most routine notions of wellbeing in the Australian context. The findings, as I will discuss, through being one of the most conservative, reductionist measures of the quality of life, clearly confirm the growing concerns around the inherent paradoxes of ‘being well’ in a capitalistic society.
روش شناخت قرآن در اندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 8. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 14-8-1377
روش شناخت قرآن در اندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 7. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 14-8-1377
روش شناخت قرآن در اندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 6. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 14-8-1377
روش شناخت قرآندر اندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 5. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 14-8-1377
روش شناخت قرآن در اندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 3, 4. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 30-7-1377
روش شناخت قرآن در اندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 2. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 30-7-1377
روش شناخت قرآن دراندیشه نوین دینی. شماره 1. مهندس عبدالحامد حسینی. انجمن اسلامی مهندسین ملی مذهبی 30-7-1377