Conservative Minds: Recent Episodes
Corey Astill and Kyle Sammin
Welcome to Conservative Minds – a podcast about conservative ideas and thinkers. We explore what it means to call yourself a conservative, where conservatism has been, and where it's going. Each week, we select readings and conduct a discussion to share with you our investigation. Join the conversation by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter at @consminds.
Goldberg explains that fascism is an offshoot of socialism and, rather than being conservative, is just another variety of far-left thought.
Rachel Bovard serves as Senior Director of Policy at the Conservative Partnership Institute.
For our centennial episode, we read God and Man at Yale, a 1951 book by William F. Buckley Jr., based on his undergraduate experiences at Yale . Buckley criticized the school for forcing collectivist, Keynesian, and secularist ideology on students. We discuss this and how it relates to current debates about politcis in the academy.
Mearsheimer argues that liberal hegemony — the foreign policy pursued by the United States since the Cold War ended — is doomed to fail. It would be better, he says, for America to practice restraint in the foreign policy sphere based on a sound understanding of how nationalism and realism constrain great powers. We also discuss Ukraine and both agree that American solidiers do not belong in the conflict.
Strain questions Trump's trade and immigration policies. We disagree on whether he's right.
We discussed two articles about the nature of trust and expertise, and where the "experts" have failed us in recent years.
We explore Kimberle Crenshaw's law review article from 1989, one of the foundational documents of critical race theory.
Wrapping up season 5, we summarize and compare the readings from episodes 70 though 85.
Hazllitt's 1969 book examines inflation, price controls, and all of the downsides of a managed economy in a strong defense of free-market capitalism.
Scruton argues that conservatism starts from a sentiment that good things are easily destroyed but not easily created. We have collectively inherited good things that we must strive to keep. Further, democray needs boundaries to flourish. A shared identity - territory, culture, language - is a prerequisite for the politics of compromise.
Special Guest - Josh Lewis, host of Saving Elephants Podcast: https://www.savingelephantsblog.com/podcast This volume edited by Frank Meyer offers a collection of essays from conservative luminaries, including Russell Kirk, F.A. Hayek, and William F. Buckley, Jr. Josh joins us to discuss the current and future state of conservatism.
Reading the Left from a conservative perspective series Marcuse argues that technology creates new forms of social control. Consumer culture creates false needs that distract from reality and rob the masses of free choice. Science and rationality are tools of the oppressor. Liberation necessarily appears to come from without and from above
Schmitt argues that political actions and motives are rooted in friend-enemy relationships. The end of politics is to counter and oppose the enemy. All political concepts have a concrete opposition in mind. When party antagonisms within a state become the primary enemy grouping, conflict or civil war become a real possibility.
Smith argues that a nation's wealth stems from the goods and services it produces, rather than the amount of money it collects. Specialization increases wealth through a dramatic increase in productivity. A market economic system is the most efficient method for setting prices and creating wealth. Money is a medium for exchange and has no inherent value of its own. International trade makes both nations in a transaction better off. Eamon Butler, Condensed Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith Institute 2011: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/56eddde762cd9413e151ac92/t/56fbaba840261dc6fac3ceb6/1459334065124/CondensedWealthofNationsASI.pdf
Turner argues that the frontier area of free land and the advance of American settlement westward, explain American democracy. Up to the late 1800s, American social development had been continually beginning over again on the frontier. This perennial rebirth, this fluidity of American life, this expansion westward with its new opportunities furnish the forces dominating American character. He says the true point of view in the history of this nation is not the Atlantic coast, it is the Great West.
Robert Welch founded the Johh Birch Society in the late 1950s as a bulwark against communist advancement in America. We dive into the history and beliefs of the "Birchers." We also read The Paranoid Style in American Politics by Richard Hofstadter. We use these readings as a jumping off point to discuss conspiracy theories on the Right and Left.
Carney examines how counties voted in the 2016 Republican presidential primaries. Among Trump's core supporters, Carney finds a story of working-class struggle. In places that shunned Trump, Carney finds thriving community and civil society. He argues that achieving the American Dream requires strong local institutions, community, and religous participation, even more than better jobs and economic opportunity.
We reflect on the books we read during Season 4. Topics include the culture war in America, the future of the Republican and Democratic Parties, and the common threads between Marxism and the Social Justice movement.
Pluckrose and Lindsay describe the ideological underpinnings of the Social Justice movement. This new ideology long incubated in the academe but has now broken into the mainstream. They explain new terms like cis-gender, hetero-normative, non-binary, and systemic racism. Cynical Theories is a guide to the language and customs of the new Social Justice activism.
Election 2020 crashes through Conservative Minds! Every other podcast has something to say, we may as well give our two cents. We used a few articles to guide our discussion: Ron Brownstein, "Democrats' 2024 Problem is Already Clear" (https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2020/11/joe-biden-win-presidency-2020-coalition/617081/?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=share) Noah Rothman, "The Problem with a 'Working-Class GOP'" (https://www.commentarymagazine.com/noah-rothman/the-problem-with-a-working-class-gop/) Los Angeles Times, Editorial, "We Turned Over Our Letters Page to Trump Readers" (https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-11-14/handing-our-entire-letters-page-over-trump-voters)
Special Guest - Avi Woolf, writer and Twitter influencer, joins our discussion. Goodhart sees Britain divided between two principal political groups: the educated and geographically mobile 'Anywheres', and the working class with strong attachments to local places and people that he calls 'Somewheres'. We find many parallels with the cultural divide in the United States.
Special Guest - Kevin Vallier joins us to discuss his book Trust in a Polarized Age Vallier argues that there is a close relationship between partisan divergence and trust. He explains the interaction between societal and political trust. He believes falling trust and increasing partisan divergence are mutually reinforcing Visit Kevin's website (https://www.kevinvallier.com/) Read his blog (https://www.kevinvallier.com/reconciled/)
In a recent New Yorker article, journalist Nicholas Lemann explores the future of the Republican Party after Trump. We discuss the scenarios he puts forth and offer some of our own guesses.
Reading the Left from a conservative perspective series Marx and Engels see the world as a story of class struggle. Oppressor and oppressed facing off in constant opposition. During the industrial revolution, the authors identify the bourgeoisie as the oppressor who exploits the proletariat. The authors declare communism the solution, including the abolition of private property and the centralization of industry and finance.
Special Guest - Rachel Bovard joins us to discuss her book Conservative: Knowing What to Keep She describes with her coauthor, former Senator Jim DeMint, how to apply long-standing conservative principles to our contemporary era. Rachel has operated in the vanguard of the conservative movement for the past decade. We discuss the state of conservatism, how it might be evolving, and how the Republican Party may need to adapt.
Contrary to conventional expectations, political parties do not remain static. In his recent Federalist article, Kyle explored what the choice of Kamala Harris means for the future Democratic coalition. He wrote another article about Trump's growing Hispanic support. We discuss what the Democratic and Republican parties might look like in the coming years.
Cooke describes his political philosophy that combines elements of conservatism and libertarianism. We also discuss the differences between these two temperaments. What do libertarians believe? Why does it seem like libertarians used to be Republican but have now shifted into the Democratic coalition?
Douthat argues that Western civilization finds itself on a treadmill. The speed of growth and innovation has slowed. Fresh discoveries and new worlds seem out of reach. And we find ourselves aging, comfortable and stuck, cut off from the past and no longer optimistic about the future.
Meyer pioneered the the idea of combining the traditionalist and libertarian strains of conservatism into one unified theory that later became known as "fusionism." For Meyer, a conservative is someone who believes in objective morality, an elevated individual, limited government, and the Constitution of the United States as originally conceived.
Reading the Left from a conservative perspective series Man was born free, and he is everywhere in chains. That's how Rousseau begins his famous treatise on government. When the people take charge, the general will is always rightful and the decisions will always be good. Rousseau calls for enforcing equality and establishing a censorship tribunal.
Reading the Left from a conservative perspective series Saul Alinsky starts from where the world is, as it is, and not as he would like it to be. Rules for Radicals is a how-to manual for young radicals committed to the fight and revolution. He says the present generation wants a meaning, a chance to strive for some sort of order. This book offers direction on how to get there.
Special Guest - Gerald Russello, editor of University Bookman at the Russell Kirk Center, joins our discussion. Reno believes American elites forged a general theory of society following WWII to prevent another rise of totalitarianism. This "postwar consensus" involved a weakening of the "Strong Gods" - the objects of men's love and devotion. He believes this loss is driving populism in the West.
Postman argues that public discourse in America has dissolved into the art of show business. In early American history, the written word reigned supreme, and our politics and culture were better for it. He provides fascinating insights into how the media medium structures our understanding and perceptions.
Why do we have such a difficult time agreeing about moral principles? MacIntyre believes that what we now understand as morality is merely the fragmented remnants of a formely fuller and more substantive comprehension of morality. What remains are only the language and appearances of morality. He argues that our only way out is a return to Aristotelian virtue ethics. Disclaimer: We experienced some technical difficulties in the recording of this episode. Please excuse the sound quality.
COVID-19 comes to Conservative Minds! We reflect on the epidemic with reference to our books from Season 3. What did we learn that could inform the present situation?
Autobiography of former Soviet agent, Whittaker Chambers. He shares his story, along with his reflections on communism and his life as a communist operative. According to Chambers, a man becomes a communist because he is driven to despair by the crisis of history.
Special Guest - Yuval Levin joins us to discuss his new book A Time To Build. He describes how America is living through a social crisis of polarized politics and raging culture war. As the remedy, he proposes that we renew the ties that bind Americans to one another. We must build and rebuild by committing ourselves to the institutions around us.
Plato's dialogue pits Socrates against a wealthy friend willing to help him escape his death sentence. Socrates refuses, because he believes it would not be just. When should we as citizens ignore an unjust law? According to Socrates, we owe an obligation to the polis (society) that transcends individual justice.
Grover Norquist, and his Americans for Tax Reform, developed the no-new-taxes pledge that has become an institution for conservative candidates in American politics. He divides the world into two sides arrayed against one another in political influence: the Leave Us Alone Coalition, whose only ask of government is to leave them alone; and the Takings Coalition, who view the proper role of government as taking money, power, and property from one group and giving it to someone else.
The Gulag Archipelago is an account of the brutal arrests, imprisonment, and often murder of tens of millions of innocent Soviet citizens by their own government beginning under Vladimir Lenin in 1918 through the reign of Joseph Stalin to 1956. Solzhenitsyn saw his task as documenting for the Soviet people the full scope of what happened. He relies on his own experience in the Gulag from 1945 to 1953, along with experiences related to him by other survivors. It is a harrowing warning about the totalitarian nature of communist regimes.
One Nation, Two Cultures presents Himmelfarb's autopsy of American cultural decline. She describes how Victorian values prevailed in America up until the middle of the 20th century. But, as society became more affluent, morality and culture were liberalized and democratized. A loose system of morality emerged and became available to everyone.
Writing early in the 20th century, Weber sees how rational capitalism had developed in the West but not so much in other civilizations around the world. His project is to find out why. He finds a connection between modern economic life and ascetic Protestantism, which held that economic achievement was evidence of God's favor. Disclaimer: This episode has some sound quality issues. Our apologies, if you experience difficulty listening.
What constitutes a conservative foreign policy? From Senator Bob Taft's isolationism to President George W. Bush's idealistic adventurism, Republicans have differed substantially in their approaches over the years. Dueck walks us through the history of modern conservative and Republican foreign policy. Despite real differences, he finds a common thread running through the decades that he labels 'hard line.'
Dreher has some hard truths for Christian conservatives: the culture war is over, and values-voters have lost. The light of Christianity is flickering out all over the West. He says, if Christians want to survive, they must return to the roots of faith in thought and practice. He calls on Christian conservatives to withdraw from politics and build thriving communities apart from the world where Christian truth can be lived.
Haidt's project is to understand why conservatives and liberals disagree about morality. Using groundbreaking social science research, he identifies a series of moral foundations that can explain why people seem to experience different moral intuitions. He argues that conservatives have at least five moral foundations, while liberals only have two. As a result, Haidt says, "Republicans understand moral psychology and Democrats don't."
For Machiavelli, the end of politics is the maximization of power. A prince achieves greatness through calculation and maneuver. The wise prince knows how to use and constrain human nature to manipulate his subjects.
Crisis of the House Divided is Jaffa's exploration of Abraham Lincoln's political thought. Lincoln believed that the rights enunciated in the Declaration of Independence were understood by its authors to apply to all men - African Americans included. According to Lincoln, the Declaration not only implies what are the goals to be sought with the consent of the governed in a free society; it also states a theory of political obligation.
Huntington argues that culture and cultural idenities will shape the post-Cold War world. The most important distinctions among peoples are not ideological, political, or economic. They are cultural. The dominant division is between the West and "the rest." The dangerous clashes of the future are likely to arise from the interaction of Western arrogance, Islamic intolerance, and Sinic (i.e., Chinese) assertiveness.
Cass argues that work matters. Trade, efficiency gains, and immigration have led to growth in GDP, but he says we gave up something. The labor market can no longer allow families and communities to support themselves. And, without stable families and communities, economic opportunity vanishes. The alternative is to place the renewal of work and family at the center of public policy.
According to Deneen, liberalism has failed because it was true to itself. The Left and Right cooperate in the expansion of both statism and individualism. The liberal state both creates the individual and secures the free market through the increasingly massive and all-encompassing Leviathan. Both the free market and individual liberty have a solvent effect on traditional relationships and the social fabric.
Von Mises argues that the created wealth of our time can be traced back to classical liberal/capitalist institutions. Even writing in 1927, he noted how the standard of living had risen far above that which just a few generations ago was possible only to the rich and privileged. He evaluates the collectivist ideologies of the Right and Left and finds them inferior to private ownership of property and a free market.
Hazony argues that, for centuries, Western nations have been characterized by a struggle between two antithetical visions of world order: nationalism and imperialism. Nationalism, for him, involves nations that are able to chart their own independent course by cultivating their own traditions and pursuing their own interests without interference. In contrast, imperialism involves peoples united under a single regime of law and maintained by a single supranational authority. He argues that nationalism, built on mutual human loyalty to family and tribe, represents the true foundation of political order. No universal ideology - not Christianity, liberalism, Marxism - has succeeded in eliminating the intense human desire to protect and strengthen the tribe.
This episode we take stock of what we learned about conservative thought from our Season 2 books.
Barnett believes that American citizens of today have not truly consented to be governed. As a result, the Constitution must provide sufficient procedural assurances to protect rights. Indeed, the protection of rights is the only function that justifies restricting personal freedom. He also argues that erroneous Supreme Court precedent has granted plenary power to Congress to regulate in contradiction to the plain reading of the Constitution. The upshot is a weakened state and local governing structure, whereby the people must look to Washington, D.C. for all laws and regulations.
For Michael Oakeshott, conservatism is not a creed or a doctrine but a disposition of contentment. A conservative prefers the familiar to the unknown and the tried to the untried. It is a propensity to use and enjoy what is available, rather than to wish for something other than what you have. Oakeshott posits a minimalist role for government that allows people to live their lives as they see fit.
The Federalist Papers are 85 letters written under the pen name “Publius”. Publius was the joint creation of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay. Originally intended as an attempt to influence the people of New York to ratify the new Constitution, the Federalist Papers came to be the best contemporary explanation of that document by men who had an outsized role in drafting it. These essays explain the ideas behind the Constitution and the reasoning that led to the choices made in the convention of 1787. Thomas Jefferson would later call it "the best commentary on the principles of government which ever was written."
Brooks uses ficticious characters as a vehicle to convey social science research and share his reformicon political philosophy. He focuses on preparing people for jobs in the technology economy.
Carlson tells us the story of the evolution of the modern family. It has gone from a bedrock assumption shared throughout human history to an institution under seige. Carlson walks us through the challenges and maps the ground shifting underneath the family. He sees industrialization as the most prominent destabilizing factor.
Bloom warns about the moral relativism capturing the American academe. He calls out this movement toward 'openness' as a harmful force that paradoxically has resulted in 'closing' the minds of the students. He sees openness as a broadside attack on tradition and common culture. American history and intellectual heritage have been forcibly removed from school curriculum in favor of ethnic and identity studies.
Douthat and Salam propose a new vision of modern conservatism that is ideologically principled but poltically pragmatic. They want a policy agenda for working class swing-voters - what they label the 'Sam's Club Republicans.' These are non-college voters who make up roughly half the U.S. electorate. The authors propose a platform of limited govt and strong cultural solidarity, in which the goods of our national life are distributed as widely and equitably as possible. Voter Study Group liberal-conservative index: https://www.voterstudygroup.org/publication/political-divisions-in-2016-and-beyond Hidden Tribes voter survey: https://hiddentribes.us/pdf/hiddentribesreport.pdf
Russell Kirk was an early aggregator of conservative thought. He traced conservative intellectual history from Edmund Burke to Kirk's own lifetime. Writing in the 1940s and 1950s, Kirk was nearly alone in his interest in establishing conservatism as a viable political philosophy in America. In this book, he distills the conservative outlook into a concise and readable volume.
Sohrab Ahmari published his essay, "Against David French-ism," that criticized David French's civil libertarianism and his use of civilized tactics to fight for social conservative values. David French pushed back. We discuss the essays and the implications.
Charles Murray uses sociological research to show how white America is dividing into classes based on cognitive ability. Access to college and the college sorting system has facilitated what he calls a 'new upper-class' with its own culture and tastes unique in American history. He posits that higher-IQ individuals are congregating in high-income areas of the country and are increasingly separating themselves from the rest of society. He explores the ramifications of this new dynamic for the working class.
Sowell introduces us to his concept of competing visions in American political life. The constrained vision sees progress limited by human nature. Whatever solutions humans develop to restrain or ameliorate human evils will themselves impose costs or create new social ills. Thus, public policy must always deal in trade-offs rather than absolutes. The unconstrained vision believes human moral improvement has no fixed limits, thus all human problems are entirely solvable. These two visions find themselves talking past one another in the political sphere.
Fukuyama evaluates whether history has moved in a discernable diretion. The "End of History" is a concept introduced by Hegel and Kant. They argued that history will end when no further social progress can be made in society. Fukuyama's task is to determine whether liberal democracy constitutes this best possible society. In Episode 21, we discuss Fukuyama's evaluation of the alternatives to liberal democracy - namely, authoritarianism, communism/socialism, and Islam. In Episode 22, we dive into his insights related to the human need for "recognition." He argues that the desire for recognition drives how humans judge social progress. But the Right and the Left view recognition in fundamentally different ways. The upshot is a tension that casts doubt on whether history has ended. This book may be the best reading we have done for the podcast. We discuss Fukuyama's most fascinating insights in Episode 22.
Fukuyama evaluates whether history has moved in a discernable diretion. The "End of History" is a concept introduced by Hegel and Kant. They argued that history will end when no further social progress can be made in society. Fukuyama's task is to determine whether liberal democracy constitutes this best possible society. In Episode 21, we discuss Fukuyama's evaluation of the alternatives to liberal democracy - namely, authoritarianism, communism/socialism, and Islam. In Episode 22, we dive into his insights related to the human need for "recognition." He argues that the desire for recognition drives how humans judge social progress. But the Right and the Left view recognition in fundamentally different ways. The upshot is a tension that casts doubt on whether history has ended. This book may be the best reading we have done for the podcast. We discuss Fukuyama's most fascinating insights in Episode 22.
Ayn Rand developed a foundation for morality called Objectivism. Objectivist ethics holds that the standard by which one judges good or evil is one's own life - or that which is required to survive. Whatever is proper to ensure survival is good, while whatever opposes or destroys life is evil. Objectivism carries heavy implications for politics and government. Society should elevate rationality, productivity, independence, and freedom that facilitate survival. It should discount parasites, moochers, looters, and brutes that act as a drag on society and individual flourishing. Rand has no patience for government programs geared to the needs of the latter group.
Sullivan believes that conservatism is more a disposition than an ideology. He says the defining characteristic of the conservative is that he knows what he doesn’t know. While not denying that the truth exists, the conservative is content to say merely that his grasp on it is always provisional. He may be wrong. According to Sullivan, conservatism is an anti-ideology, a nonprogram, a way of looking at the world.
Strauss sees a lowering of the sights of political life from a classical focus on values and the Good to a Modern fetishizing of facts and causes. He believes humans can discern right versus wrong according to Nature. He wants to reclaim Natural Right from the misguided critiques from historicism and social science. Strauss believes that all natural beings have a natural destiny that determines what kind of life is good for them. We also consider whether the text implies anything with regard to Neoconservatism or the Iraq War, as Strauss was somehow implicated in the Bush foreign policy. Spoiler alert: we find absolutely nothing.
Conservative Minds has come a long way since we started this project four months ago. With these first 16 episodes, we declare the end of Season 1. For Episode 17, we talked about our reasons for starting the podcast. And we looked back on what we've read so far, with an eye to finding common threads between thinkers. So far we seem common themes related to federalism/decentralization, individualism, free market capitalism, and tradition. If you enjoy the podcast, please take a minute to provide us with your feedback. What do you like? What should we change? Leave us a comment on Facebook or Twitter. Or drop us an email at consmindspodcast@gmail.com. Thanks for listening.
Scalia believes the plain text of the law governs and not the intent of the lawmaker or the predilections of the judge. A legal text should be interpreted reasonably to contain all that it fairly meant at the time of drafting. Words have a limited range of meaning, and no meaning that goes beyond that range is permissible. The judge's role is not to impose her own prescriptions for social justice. The 'Living Constitution' serves as a license to make policy from the bench. Scalia believes we need limiting principles to prevent judges from unrestrained judicial lawmaking.
Tocqueville travelled across America over nine months in 1831 and 1832. He drew on his observations to produce his two-volume masterpiece, Democracy in America. In the book, Tocqueville characterizes the social, political, religious, and intellectual habits of Americans with such deep understanding that, nearly two centuries later, it’s still foundational reading for the study of politics and sociology. In the words of Harvard political scientist Harvey Mansfield, Democracy in America is “the best book ever written on democracy and the best book ever written on America.”
Tocqueville travelled across America over nine months in 1831 and 1832. He drew on his observations to produce his two-volume masterpiece, Democracy in America. In the book, Tocqueville characterizes the social, political, religious, and intellectual habits of Americans with such deep understanding that, nearly two centuries later, it’s still foundational reading for the study of politics and sociology. In the words of Harvard political scientist Harvey Mansfield, Democracy in America is “the best book ever written on democracy and the best book ever written on America.”
Hayek sees a choice between individualism and socialism. He contrasts the Enlightenment project of liberal individualism against the collectivist ideologies of national socialism, fascism, and communism. Communism and fascism are two sides of the same coin - both categorically despise individualism. He warns against the trend away from liberalism in the West. According to Hayek, the very success of liberalism has become the cause of its decline. The liberal principles that made progress possible have come to be regarded more as obstacles to speedier progress. Freedom is cast aside in favor of hubristic collectivism. The Road to Serfdom demonstrates how collectivist ideologies lead inevitably to totalitarianism.
Buchanan sees an America divided by class. The elite class of professionals benefit from globalization and trade, while the middle class lies forgotten and left behind. Global trade deals put American labor in competition with millions of workers willing to do the same jobs for a fraction of the pay an American family needs for a living wage. Meanwhile, millions of illegal aliens compete with unskilled and semi-skilled Americans for local jobs. Buchanan argues that America’s elite is oblivious to what is happening to the country, "as an older, better America – where we were a community, a nation, a people – slowly dies." He calls for a New Nationalism that puts America before the global economy.
Bill Buckley nearly single-handedly initiated the modern American conservative movement. He launched the National Review in 1955 to "stand athwart history, yelling Stop, at a time when no one is inclined to do so, or to have much patience with those who so urge it." From his perch at NR, he led a multi-decade project aimed at remaking the public policy landscape. He pulled together disparate conservative strains, while pushing others - the 'kooks' - outside the tent. He played a leading role in consolidating conservatives into the Republican Party. His view of the world achieved vindication with the election of Ronald Reagan.
Irving Kristol is widely regarded as the godfather of neoconservative thought. Kristol and his early campatriots were disillusioned liberals and former communists. Most were social scientists. They introduced a rigorous social science approach to issues that the Right had lacked previously. Kristol founded the Public Interest magazine to stand as a bulwark against New Liberal orthodoxy. Neoconservatism differed from traditional conservatives in that its chosen enemy was contemporary liberalism, not socialism or statism in the abstract. He saw his role as enlarging the conservative vision to include moral philosophy, political philosophy, and social science research.
Nisbet argues that Enlightenment individualism has created a widening gulf between the individual and those social relationships that offer meaning. He says the modern release of the individual from traditional ties of class, religion, and kinship has made him free; but this freedom is accompanied by a sense of disenchantment and alienation. Humans have need for a clear sense of cultural purpose, membership, status, and continuity. He calls for a decentralization of power in society, including an enhanced role for 'intermediary instutitions' that constitute the formal interpersonal relationships in society.
Milton Friedman was the twentieth century’s most prominent advocate of free markets. He argues that the free market - what he labels "competitive capitalism" - is a necessary condition for political freedom. The free market gives people what they want instead of what a particular group thinks they ought to want. For him, government serves as a forum for determining the rules of the game and as an umpire to interpret and enforce those rules. Government is necessary to preserve freedom, yet concentrated political power in the hands of government also threatens freedom.
Burke believed deeply in tradition as the governing principle for human flourishing. He called society a living contract between the living, the dead, and future generations. God willed the state to provide the means for perfecting human virtue. For Burke, political and social life is an expression of god’s will.
Bork tells us in the introduction that Slouching Towards Gomorrah is a book about American decline and the mounting resistence to it - what he calls the culture war. The enemy for Bork is modern liberalism. In particular, he warns against the dangers of what he terms 'radical egalitarianism' and 'radical individualism.' Both trends undermine traditional morality. Bork argues that govt should play a role in upholding public morality and stemming the tide of moral relativism. He also sees religious faith as the foundation for morality.
George Will believes the purpose of politics is to cultivate virtue. He argues that the government has a central role to play in governing the morality of its citizens. Statecraft as Soulcraft describes the political imperative to pursue policies that induce improvement of persons. In particular, he calls for policies that "proscribe, mandate, regulate, or subsidize behavior that will nurture, bolster, or alter habits and values on a broad scale."
Locke posits an original human state of nature characterized by nominal freedom and equality. People leave the state of nature to form political society to protect their property and ensure their safety. In Locke's view, government has a role limited to the preservation of liberty, the security of property, and the redress of injuries.
Weaver identified philosophical and cultural trends bubbling in the 1940s that denied absolute truth and higher-ordered values. He saw universal narratives - like God or country or family - that provide meaning and coherence to the world falling under the attack of relativism. The consequence of these ideas, he says, is the cultural decline of the West.
Goldwater believed foremost in preserving and extending freedom. He advocated for limited government, lower taxes, and restrained spending. In 1960, he teamed up with influential conservative writer, Brent Bozell, to pen his manifesto: The Conscience of a Conservative. An original bible of movement conservatism.
Goldwater believed foremost in preserving and extending freedom. He advocated for limited government, lower taxes, and restrained spending. In 1960, he teamed up with influential conservative writer, Brent Bozell, to pen his manifesto: The Conscience of a Conservative. An original bible of movement conservatism. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/55/Barry_Goldwater_2.jpg